That is a source of our strength. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region. Strong institutions. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. Peace entails sacrifice. So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We lose our moral compass. We also know that the opposite is true. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I. オバマ大統領が2016年に行った広島でのスピーチをメインとし、トルーマン大統領の「原爆投下声明」、アイゼンハワー大統領の「原子力は平和のため」であるという演説、ケネディ大統領の「アメリカン大学卒業式での平和演説」、オバマ大統領就任演説、オバ This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. Tweet, Posted by: BlogPetのsleepy | December 24, 2009 02:21 PM, Email Address: A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Sanctions must exact a real price. I am committed to upholding this treaty. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world. I know there's nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naïve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King. Compared to some of the giants of history who've received this prize -- Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela -- my accomplishments are slight. First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior -- for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. And yet this truth must coexist with another -- that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. Peace requires responsibility. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what's best about humanity. (Not displayed with comment.). As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard. オバマ大統領は8年前の選挙戦のころから数々の名言を残しています。ノーベル平和賞を受賞し、2016å¹´8月には現役大統領ではじめて広島を訪問し、ここでもスピーチを残しています。 But I also know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. That's why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace. 皆さんオバマ大統領のノーベル平和賞受賞スピーチの放送ご覧になりましたか?私は、受賞スピーチを聞いていてチョット首をかしげる内容がありました大統領就任の際のスピ… Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. 『オバマ大統領 ノーベル賞 スピーチ』の関連ニュース. For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. ェル・オバマに惚れ直しそうw(2016.08.07) オバマのプラハ演説 核廃絶宣言(2016.05.28) I reject these choices. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant -- the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions. 共同:オバマ米大統領ノーベル平和賞受賞演説の全文(日本語訳)  Comments are moderated, and will not appear on this weblog until the author has approved them. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | But there has been no Third World War. ャル・ネットワーク』という映画に収められました。 映画に出てきた小ネタを挟みながら、卒業生へ年齢の近い彼だからこそ伝えられる思いを語っています。 Let me make one final point about the use of force. I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. 元ノーベル委員会書記ゲイル・ルンデスタド氏は、米国のオバマ大統領は平和賞授与の際に託された期待を叶えてはくれなかった、と考えている。賞は核のない世界の実現に向けた取り組みを奨励する意味のものであった。ルンデスタド氏が回顧録『平和書記』で述べた。 Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. That's why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. And yet too often, these words are ignored. There's no simple formula here. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. I -- like any head of state -- reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. No matter how callously defined, neither America's interests -- nor the world's -- are served by the denial of human aspirations. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations -- an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize -- America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons. オバマ氏らしいきっぱりした曖昧さ こんなに物議をかもしたノーベル平和賞は珍しいというくらいの平和賞を受賞し、オバマ氏は、受賞演説で「Just War(正当な戦争、正義の戦争)」という言葉を繰り返 … We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament. 今日は何の日? 経済、政治、社会に影響を与えた、今日同じ日の歴史を、当時の日経平均株価、ドル/円の為替レートとともに振り返ります。. And I'm working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles. Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. Let us reach for the world that ought to be -- that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. Billions have been lifted from poverty. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. 何度も繰り返し言っていることだが、政治とは大衆を惑わすことじゃあない。 政治とは結果だ。 何を成し遂げたか、だ。 For we are fallible. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come. But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Listed below are links to weblogs that reference オバマのノーベル平和賞スピーチ: イアン・アレクサンダーほか: いつかは行きたい 一生に一度だけの旅 BEST500 [コンパクト版], 大人の科学マガジン Vol.30 (テオ・ヤンセンのミニビースト) (Gakken Mook),,, (Laughter.) The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more -- and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share. It does not exist where children can't aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door. The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice. The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. What might this evolution look like? To begin with, I believe that all nations -- strong and weak alike -- must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. ノーベル賞を受賞した山中伸弥教授をはじめとし、有名人17名の感動するスピーチを収録した1冊です。 CD3枚と大容量ですが、ノンネイティブのスピーチも多数収録されており、世界の英語をリスニングで … Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar, 以前、私達はカルカッタで砂糖を手に入れるのにものすごく苦労しました。 Remarks by the President at the Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize. Posted on 2020å¹´10月8日 by 2020å¹´10月8日 by Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school -- because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child's dreams. I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached -- their fundamental faith in human progress -- that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey. And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities -- their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements -- these movements of hope and history -- they have us on their side. Agreements among nations. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't. In light of the Cultural Revolution's horrors, Nixon's meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable -- and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want. That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. マザーテレサ ノーベル平和賞 スピーチ一部抜粋.